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THANKSGIVING  DISCOURSE 


ON 


THE  GOOD  LAND  IN  WHICH  WE  LIVE. 


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THE  GOOD  LAND  IN  WHICH  WE  LIVE. 


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DISCOURSE 


PREACHED  AT  CONCORD,  N.  H., 


ON  THE  DAY  OF 

PUBLIC  THANKSGIVING 


NOVEMBER  28,  1850. 


BY  NATHANIEL  BOUTON, 

Pastor  of  the  First  Congregational  Church  in  Concord. 


CONCORD: 

PRINTED  BY  McFARLAND  &  JENKS,  MAIN  STREET. 

1850. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


Concord,  Nov.  30,  1850. 

Rev.  N.  Bouton : 

Dear  Sir  : — 

The  undersigned,  members  of  your  Society,  having  list¬ 
ened  with  much  interest  to  the  Discourse  delivered  by  you  on  our  late  an¬ 
nual  Thanksgiving  Day,  and  believing  that  its  publication  will  be  produc¬ 
tive  of  good  at  the  present  time,  in  its  tendency  to  induce  men  to  consider 
their  obligations  as  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  support  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  existing  laws  of  the  country,  respectfully  request  a  copy  for  pub¬ 
lication.  We  remain,  very  truly, 

Your  Friends  and  Parishioners, 

FRANCIS  N.  FISK,  RICHARD  BRADLEY, 

SAMUEL  COFFIN,  CHARLES  MOODY, 

SAMUEL  MORRIL,  ROBERT  DAYIS. 


To  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Bouton: 

Dear  Sir: — 

The  undersigned,  citizens  of  Concord,  though  not  members 
of  your  Society,  having  been  present  at  the  North  Church  this  morning, 
and  listened  with  great  satisfaction  and  cordial  approval  to  your  able  and 
patriotic  Discourse  upon  our  duty  as  citizens  and  Christians  to  stand  by  the 
Constitution  and  Union,  and  obey  the  laws  of  the  country ; — believing,  at 
this  time  of  doubt  and  danger,  when  opinions  so  hostile  to  the  Constitution 
and  Union  of  these  States  *,  so  at  war  with  all  civil,  religious  and  social  or¬ 
ganization,  are  publicly  propagated,  that  the  dissemination  of  the  senti¬ 
ments  and  arguments  contained  in  that  Discourse  would  have  a  tendency 
to  correct  the  errors  of  the  misguided  friends  of  the  Union,  and  to  thwart 
the  wicked  purposes  of  its  foes,  as  well  as  to  strengthen  the  hands  and  en¬ 
courage  the  hearts  of  the  great  and  good  men  all  over  the  country  who 
are  laboring  in  its  defence  ; — believing,  too,  that  you  have  uttered  the  real 
sentiments  of  a  large  majority  of  the  good  people  of  this  State — would 
respectfully  ask  the  favor  of  a  copy  for  publication. 

JOSEPH  ROBINSON,  E.  H.  ROLLINS, 

ARTHUR  FLETCHER,  WM.  P.  HILL, 

JOSEPH  LOW,  HENRY  WOOD, 

EPHRAIM  HUTCHINS,  WILLIAM  PRESCOTT 

EDW.  H.  PARKER, 

Concord,  Thanksgiving  dv£.,  Nov.  28,  1850. 


■J 


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NOTE  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 


As  appears  from  the  foregoing  communications,  this  Discourse  is  sub¬ 
mitted  for  publication  in  compliance  with  the  request,  both  of  members  of 
his  own  Society,  and  of  other  highly  respected  citizens  who  heard  it,  of 
different  political  parties  and  religious  denominations.  In  preparing  a 
copy  for  the  press,  the  author  would  state,  that  without  altering  a  single 
sentiment,  as  first  delivered,  he  has  endeavored  to  give  more  logical  pre¬ 
cision  to  the  Scripture  argument  for  obedience  to  civil  authority ;  has  added 
a  paragraph  to  show  the  nature  and  certainty  of  the  u  explicit  and 
solemn  compact”  into  which  our  fathers  entered  in  adopting  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Constitution ;  and  has  also  appended  several  notes,  to  which  he  would 
respectfully  ask  the  attention  of  his  readers.  The  author’s  desire  and 
prayer  is,  that  the  sentiments  herein  expressed  may  serve  to  increase 
and  cherish,  in  the  hearts  of  all  who  may  read  them,  that  love  of  country 
and  subjection  to  lawful  authority,  which,  with  love  to  God,  constitute  an 
essential  element  in  the  character  of  a  Christian  citizen. 


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https://archive.org/details/goodlandinwhichwOObout 


DISCOURSE. 


DEUT.  8  :  10. 

WHEN  THOU  HAST  EATEN  AND  A  TIT  FULL,  THEN  THOU  SHALT  BLESS  THE  LORD 
THY  GOD,  FOR  THE  GOOD  LAND  WniCn  HE  HATH  GIVEN  THEE. 

We  welcome,  with  grateful  and  joyous  emotions,  this  an¬ 
nual  festival  of  thanksgiving  and  praise.  In  the  language 
of  our  chief  magistrate,  “  we  can  rejoice  that  the  circling 
seasons  have  again  passed,  rich  and  overflowing  with  the 
beneficence  of  Heaven  to  the  people  of  this  State  ;  that  nei¬ 
ther  our  unfaithfulness  nor  our  ingratitude  have  dried  up  the 
fountains  of  God’s  goodness  to  us.” 

We  are  assembled  in  our  usual  place  of  worship,  “  reve¬ 
rently  to  offer  up  the  homage  of  humble  and  grateful  hearts 
to  our  Almighty  Father  and  Benefactor,  for  his  countless 
mercies  and  blessings.”  Among  the  particular  subjects  of 
thanksgiving  recommended  in  the  proclamation  of  our  chief 
magistrate,  we  are  invited  to  unite  in  fervent  thanks  to  God, 
“for  having  given  to  us  the  pleasant  and  goodly  land  in 
which  we  live  ;  for  the  freedom,  health,  peace  and  prosper¬ 
ity  he  has  permitted  us  to  enjoy ;  for  the  plenty  with  which 
he  has  filled  our  dwellings ;  for  our  means  of  intellectual, 
moral  and  social  advancement ;  and  for  that  crowning  bless¬ 
ing,  the  revelation  of  mercy  and  of  hope,  the  Christian  Reli¬ 
gion.”  As  it  is  impossible  to  dwell  at  any  length  upon  these 
several  topics,  it  will,  I  trust,  be  deemed  altogether  appropri¬ 
ate  to  the  occasion,  to  select  as  the  <&ie|j  theme  of  our  grat- 


6 


itude,  the  first  subject  named — the  pleasant  and  goodly 
land  in  which  we  live  ;  especially  as  we  may  view  it  in 
connection  with  the  “  crowning  blessing’5 — the  glorious  gos¬ 
pel  of  the  Son  of  God. 

1  observe,  then,  that  the  inspired  description  of  the  good 
land  which  God  gave  to  his  ancient  people ,  fitly  applies  to 
our  own  country.  11  The  Lord  thy  God  bringeth  thee  into 
a  good  land,  a  land  of  brooks  of  water,  of  fountains,  and 
depths  that  spring  out  of  the  valleys  and  hills  ;  a  land  of 
wheat,  and  barley,  and  vines,  and  fig-trees,  and  pomegran¬ 
ates  ;  a  land  of  oil-olive  and  honey ;  a  land  wherein  thou 
shalt  eat  bread  without  scarceness,  thou  shalt  not  lack  any 
thing  in  it ;  a  land  whose  stones  are  iron,  and  out  of  whose 
hills  thou  shalt  dig  brass.”  This  beautiful  land  of  Palestine 
was  the  gift  of  God  to  his  covenant  people.  Though  com¬ 
paratively  small  in  extent,  it  had  its  goodly  mountains  of 
Lebanon  on  the  north ;  the  rich  and  fertile  valley  of  the 
Jordan  running  through  its  centre,  to  the  Salt  Sea  in  the 
south-east;  on  the  west,  its  coast  was  washed  by  the  Med¬ 
iterranean  Sea,  by  means  of  which  it  enjoyed  a  lucrative 
commerce  with  all  adjacent  and  even  distant  nations  ;  and 
the  productions  of  its  soil  were  rich  in  variety  and  abundance. 

But  all,  and  much  more  than  all  that  can  truly  be  said  of 
Palestine,  may  be  said  of  our  own  country.  Survey  its 
magnitude,  grandeur,  exuberance,  resources,  and  population. 
Behold  it  extending  the  entire  width  of  the  continent,  from 
ocean  to  ocean — stretching  through  twenty-five  degrees  of 
latitude,  and  twice  that  of  longitude — all  within  the  temper¬ 
ate  zone,  the  most  healthful  portion  of  the  globe,  and  best 
adapted  to  develop  the  physical  and  mental  constitution  of 
man.  Look  at  its  vast  ranges  of  mountains ;  its  long  and 
mighty  rivers  ;  its  inland  seas  ;  its  beautiful  and  vast  plains  ; 
its  inexhaustible  mines  of  coal,  and  iron,  and  copper ;  of  lead, 
and  silfer,  and  gold.  Look  dTlhe  interminable  forests  of 


•.  is  ' 

i, 

\  ....  ■  -  ; 

*  • .  * 


7 


most  valuable  wood  ;  at  the  exuberance  and  boundless  vari¬ 
ety  in  the  productions  of  the  soil ;  with  a  commerce  carried 
on  within  its  boundaries  and  with  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  more  numerous  in  ships,  more  enterprising  in  men, 
and  more  extensive,  it  is  said,  than  that  of  any  other  nation 
under  heaven.  It  may  help  to  fill  up  what  the  imagination 
alone  finds  it  difficult  to  conceive,  to  state  in  figures  that, 
“  exclusive  of  the  late  acquisitions  from  Mexico,  the  area  of 
our  country  admits  of  division  into  376  States  as  large  as 
Massachusetts  ;  and,  including  the  territories  ceded  by  Mex¬ 
ico,  the  number  of  such  States  rises  to  448.  Three  millions 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  square  miles  of  territory 
form  a  broader  field  than  26  kingdoms  like  Great  Britain 
could  cover,  and  is  exceeded  only  in  500.000  square  miles 
by  the  whole  continent  of  Europe.”*  Occupying  this 
vast,  beautiful,  grand  area  of  the  earth’s  surface,  is  already 
a  population  of  about  23.000.000,  increasing  at  the  rate  of 
800.000  souls  a  year,  and  destined,  unless  checked  by  some 
unknown  and  unforeseen  cause,  “  to  swell  within  a  hundred 
years  to  a  larger  population  than  China  boasts,  and  to  double 
the  number  of  all  Europe.” 

This  is  the  goodly  and  pleasant  land  which  God  hath 
given  us.  He  gave  the  original  deed  and  first  occupancy  to 
our  pilgrim  fathers,  and  to  the  founders  of  the  other  little 
colonies  who  settled  on  more  southern  shores.  In  his  prov¬ 
idence,  he  bade  them  go  up  and  possess  the  land,  and  from 
one  period  to  another,  and  by  various  means,  he  hath  opened 
the  way  to  obtain  complete,  undisputed  and  peaceable  pos¬ 
session.  The  right  indeed  to  this  vast  domain  has  some¬ 
times  been  brought  into  debate.  But  without  attempting  to 
vindicate  every  particular  acquisition  of  territory  by  pur¬ 
chase,  by  cession,  or  by  conquest ;  still,  looking  at  the  sub¬ 
ject  in  its  wide  relations,  it  must,  I  think,  be  conceded  that 
■  '  ~  *  '  " 

*  See  statistical  tables  and  estijoates  in  Home  Missionary,  Nov.*  1846, 
Oct.,  1849.  .  'V 


*.\ 


8 


I 


God  hath  in  his  providence  as  truly  given  this  land  to  us  to 
possess,  as  he  gave  Palestine  to  ancient  Israel.  Hence,  an 
important  practical  inquiry  arises  : —  What  do  we  owe  to  this 
land  as  our  common  country  ? 

In  attempting,  my  hearers,  to  answer  this  question,  I  wish 
to  forestall  any  surmises  or  fears  you  may  have,  that  your 
pastor  is  now  going  to  enter  the  arena  of  political  strife,  to 
express  crude  opinions  on  matters  that  divide  the  people,  or 
that  he  will  adopt  some  party  Shibboleth ,  and  give  offence 
to  esteemed  and  valued  friends.  Rather,  I  purpose  to  avoid 
as  much  as  possible  all  party  and  political  allusions  ;  to  enter 
into  a  calm,  dispassionate  inquiry  respecting  what  the  Scrip¬ 
tures  teach  of  the  duties  we  owe  to  our  country.  A  great 
question  has  arisen,  which,  by  common  consent,  is  designated 
“  Conscience  and  the  Constitution  What  relation  subsists 
between  them  ?  To  what  duties  does  conscience  bind  us 
in  respect  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  land  ?  And 
is  there  any  11  higher  law ”  which  exempts  us  from  obedience 
to  the  latter  ?*  These  are  grave  and  momentous  questions  ; 
and,  as  you  will  all  admit,  fairly  come  within  the  province 
of  a  religious  teacher,  without  subjecting  him  to  the  charge 
of  meddling  with  party  politics.  They  are  questions,  too, 
on  which  an  interested  community — yea,  an  inquiring  and 
agitated  nation — demands  light.  And  surely  it  becomes 
every  minister  of  the  word,  divested  of  all  prejudice  and 
party  bias,  to  examine  for  himself  the  word  of  God,  and 
give  utterance  to  what  he  believes  to  be  its  divine  and  au¬ 
thoritative  teachings. 


I.  I  need  hardly  observe,  in  the  first  place,  that  we  are 
bound  to  be  grateful  to  God,  for  all  the  blessings  which  we 
actually  enjoy  in  the  good  land  he  hath  given  us.  In  the 


*  The  author  regrets  that  he  has  never  had  an  opportunity  to  read  the 
essay  of  Prof.  Stuart  on  this  subject,  and  is  therefore  entirely  ignorant  how 
far  his  own  views  coincide  with  those  of  the  venerable  Professor. 


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9 


text  this  is  a  matter  of  divine  injunction.  “  When  thou  hast 
eaten  and  art  full,  then  shalt  thou  bless  the  Lord  thy  God, 
for  the  good  land  which  he  hath  given  thee.” 

Though  there  may  be  coexistent  evils  which  we  deplore, 
yet  the  good  demands  our  praise.  We  should,  therefore,  fre¬ 
quently,  and  especially  on  annual  festive  occasions  like  the 
present,  review  and  enumerate  our  blessings.  We  are  au¬ 
thorized  to  trace  the  line  of  our  national  descent  backwards 
to  the  fathers  and  founders  of  our  Republic ;  to  make  grate¬ 
ful  mention  of  their  Christian  virtues  and  of  their  heroic 
firmness  in  enduring  privations  of  every  kind,  that  they 
might  plant  the  institutions  of  freedom,  of  learning,  and  re¬ 
ligion,  in  this  land  which  God  gave  them.  We  should  re¬ 
fresh  our  memories  with  a  rehearsal  of  scenes  in  which  our 
own  immediate  ancestors  took  a  part,  when  they  freely 
pledged  their  lives,  their  fortunes  and  their  sacred  honor,  and 
poured  out  their  blood  like  water  in  their  country’s  defence. 
We  should  recal  the  names  of  the  brave,  the  wise,  and  the 
good,  whom  God  raised  up  to  be  our  leaders  in  the  councils 
of  the  nation  and  in  the  fields  of  war.  Sacred  in  our  lips 
be  the  names  of  Washington,  the  Adamses,  Hancocks, 
Franklins,  Shermans,  Jays,  Hamiltons,  and  other  worthies, 
who  either  put  their  hand  to  the  great  Instrument  of  Inde¬ 
pendence,  or  who  maintained  the  Declaration  with  their  for¬ 
tunes  and  their  blood.  Contrasting  our  happy  condition  in 
this  good  land,  with  that  of  other  nations — with  the  be¬ 
nighted  and  down-trodden  subjects  of  despotic  power  in 
Asia  and  Africa ;  with  the  serfs  of  Russia ;  with  the  unen¬ 
lightened  and  poverty-stricken  tenants  of  Ireland  ;  with  the 
vassals  of  Spanish  and  Turkish  domination  ;  with  the  chang¬ 
ing,  convulsive  and  unintelligent  liberty  of  France;  with 
the  religious  tyranny,  upheld  by  foreign  bayonets,  at  Rome ; 
or  with  the  mixed  freedom  and  oppression,  wealth  and  pov¬ 
erty,  protestantism  and  persecution,  of  England — we  should 

thank  God  that  he  hath  given  us  this  good  land  in  whidh  to 
2  . 


'  ‘J  ' 

*  .  .  a 

A  '  ** 


/ 


10 


dwell ;  that  here  a  government,  administered  by  rulers  of  our 
own  choice,  spreads  the  broad  shield  of  its  protection  over 
and  around  us,  guarding  and  defending  our  persons,  property, 
liberty  and  life ;  that  we  enjoy,  what  no  other  people  under 
the  whole  heaven  enjoy  in  an  equal  degree,  the  liberty  and 
right  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  our  own 
consciences,  without  any  wishing  or  daring  to  molest  us  ; 
that  the  means  of  a  generous  education  are  widely  diffused  ; 
that  throughout  our  broad  land  the  Holy  Scriptures  are  dis¬ 
seminated  and  read  ;  churches  are  reared,  which  are  every 
Sabbath  filled  with  intelligent  and  devout  worshippers  ;  and 
that  from  year  to  year  a  benignant  Providence  pours  over 
our  land  the  showers  of  plenty  in  such  abundance  that  lean 
and  famishing  want  is  unknown,  and  the  millions  of  our 
population  have  unceasing  occasion  for  thanksgiving  and 
praise.  For  these  and  ten  thousand  other  blessings  which 
we  enjoy,  should  this  goodly  and  pleasant  land  be  every 
year  and  every  day  more  and  more  endeared  to  us ;  yes,  to 
us — 

“  Be  this  the  land,  of  every  land  the  pride  ; 

Beloved  of  heaven,  o’er  all  the  world  beside ; 

Where  brighter  suns  dispense  serener  light, 

And  milder  moons  emparadise  the  night ; 

A  land  of  beauty,  virtue,  valor,  truth, 

Time-tutored  age,  and  love-exalted  youth. 

The  wandering  mariner,  whose  eye  explores 
The  wealthiest  isles,  the  most  enchanting  shores, 

Views  not  a  realm  so  beautiful  and  fair, 

Nor  breathes  the  spirit  of  a  purer  air.” 

Then  “  bless  the  Lord  thy  God,  for  the  good  land  which 
he  hath  given  thee.” 

II.  It  is  a  scriptural  duty  to  pray  for  the  rulers  of  our 
land.  Suffice  it,  on  this  topic,  to  cite  the  apostolic  injunc¬ 
tion  :  u  I  exhort  that  supplications,  prayers,  intercessions,  and 
giving  of  thanks,  be  made  for  all  men:  For  kings,  and  for 
all  that  are  in  authority  ;  that  we  may  lead  a  quiet  and 


11 


peaceable  life,  in  all  godliness  and  honesty  ;  for  this  is  good 
and  acceptable  in  the  sight  of  God  our  Saviour.”  I  Tim. 
2  :  1-3.  When  we  reflect  on  the  responsibilities  which  al¬ 
ways,  and  at  times  with  overwhelming  weight,  rest  on  the 
rulers  of  a  great  nation,  the  importance  and  necessity  of 
prayer  for  them  cannot  be  too  much  magnified.  It  is  a  posi¬ 
tive  Christian  duty,  binding  on  all  the  ministers  and  disci¬ 
ples  of  Christ ; — a  duty  which  not  only  ensures  the  blessing 
of  God  on  the  rulers  themselves,  but  also  the  peace,  happi¬ 
ness  and  usefulness  of  all  Christian  men.  Oh  !  had  more 
prayer  been  offered  for  our  rulers,  in  the  pulpit,  at  domestic 
altars,  and  in  the  closets  of  our  land,  during  the  late  session 
of  our  national  Congress,  we  cannot  believe  that  such  divid¬ 
ed  counsels  would  so  long  have  prevailed  ;  that  the  hearts  of 
our  ablest  statesmen  had  been  oppressed  with  anxiety  and 
fear  for  the  safety  and  perpetuity  of  our  union  ; — perhaps  the 
great  heart  of  our  heroic  Chief  Magistrate  had  not  been 
crushed  with  the  burden  of  the  nation’s  care.  Of  all  the 
affecting  representations  of  the  fathers  of  our  country  which 
the  pencil  of  the  painter  has  transmitted  to  us,  I  know  of  no 
one  more  so  than  the  scene  in  the  Convention  at  Philadel¬ 
phia,  that  formed  the  Constitution  of  our  Union  ;  when,  in 
compliance  with  a  resolution  offered  by  Dr.  Franklin,  prayer 
was  offered  that  they  might  be  enlightened  and  guided  in 
their  deliberations  by  wisdom  from  above.  There  is  Wash¬ 
ington  on  his  knees  ;  others,  in  like  posture,  by  his  side  j 
some  recline  ;  some  stand  in  solemn  attitude,  with  face  up¬ 
lifted  or  covered ;  while  the  minister  of  God  lifts  up  his 
hands  in  devout  and  earnest  supplication  to  the  throne  of 
mercy.  From  that  day  the  business  of  the  Convention  pro¬ 
ceeded  with  unwonted  unanimity  !  “  Pray,  therefore ,  for 

all  that  are  in  authority .” 

III.  I  now  observe,  thirdly,  our  duty,  no  less  than  our 
true  interest  and  happiness,  requires  that  we  conform  to  the 


12 


Constitution  and  obey  the  Laws  of  our  land.  As  this,  at 
the  present  time,  seems  to  be  the  most  important  point  in 
our  discussion,  let  us  endeavor  to  ascertain  what  the  Scrip¬ 
tures  teach  on  the  subject  of  submission  and  obedience  to 
civil  authority  ;  what  limits  or  exceptions,  if  any,  they  make  : 
then  we  shall  be  able  to  apply  the  principles  to  our  particular 
duty. 

1.  First,  we  are  struck  with  the  fact  that  in  the  whole 
life  of  our  Saviour  he  carefully  avoided  all  conflict  with  the 
existing  civil  authorities.  He  conformed  to  all  the  institu¬ 
tions  and  regulations  of  the  government,  though  administer¬ 
ed  by  cruel,  oppressive,  and  eminently  wicked  men.  The 
charge  of  being  an  enemy  to  Caesar,  and  of  aspiring  to  royal 
authority  over  the  Jews,  was  false,  as  both  Herod  and  Pon¬ 
tius  Pilate  themselves  testified.  To  evince  his  regard  and 
subjection  to  existing  laws,  he  once  even  wrought  a  miracle 
to  obtain  tribute-money  for  himself  and  his  disciple  Peter. 
For  so  doing,  he  assigns  this  significant  reason — “  Lest  we 
should  offend  them  ”  Matt.  17  :  27.  On  another  occasion 
the  Herodians — a  crafty  political  party — attempted  to  ensnare 
him,  and  make  him  commit  himself,  in  words,  against  the 
government.  “  Tell  us,”  said  they,  “  what  thinkest  thou? 
Is  it  lawful  to  give  tribute  unto  Caesar  or  not  ?  Jesus  said 
unto  them,  shew  me  the  tribute  money :  and  they  brought 
unto  him  a  denarius — a  Roman  penny.  And  he  saitli  unto 
them,  Whose  is  this  image  and  superscription  ?  Whose  like¬ 
ness  is  this  stamped  on  the  coin  ?  And  they  said,  Caesar’s. 
Then  saith  he  unto  them,  Render ,  therefore ,  unto  Ccesar  the 
things  that  are  Ceesar’s,  and  to  God  the  things  that  are 
God’s.”  Here  observe,  the  very  question  was  a  question  of 
conscience  ;  and  of  the  greater  importance  to  them,  because, 
as  is  believed,  it  had  respect  to  a  law  of  Moses,  that  a  stran¬ 
ger  should  not  be  set  over  the  Jews  as  a  king.*  Is  it  lawful 
for  us  Jews  to  pay  tribute  to  a  foreign  power?  Though 

*  See  Deut.  17  :  15.  Barnes’s  Notes  on  Matt.  22  :  16 — 22. 


13 


conquered  and  held  in  subjection,  must  we  not,  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  Moses’s  law,  refuse  tribute-money  to  Cassar? 
Christ’s  answer,  marked  with  superhuman  wisdom,  is,  Caesar 
has  rights,  to  which  you  are  bound  in  conscience  to  yield. 
Render,  therefore,  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are  Caesar’s  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  render  unto  God  the  duties  which  you 
owe  him. 

2.  Turn  next  to  the  injunctions  of  Paul,  the  apostle,  Rom. 
13  :  1 — 7.  “  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher  pow¬ 

ers.  For  there  is  no  power  but  of  God  :  the  powers  that  be 
are  ordained  of  God.  Whosoever,  therefore,  resisteth  the 
power,  resisteth  the  ordinance  of  God  :  and  they  that  resist 
shall  receive  to  themselves  damnation” — or  just  punishment. 
The  “  higher  powers”  here  spoken  of,  are  rulers , — the  con¬ 
stituted  civil  authority, — which  is  ordained  of  God  in  the 
sense  that  God  authorizes,  and  in  his  providence  institutes, 
civil  government,  as  a  means  necessary  for  the  well-being  of 
men  in  society.  “He  is  the  minister  of  God  to  thee  for 
good.”  v.  4.  This  is  the  true  end  and  object  of  civil  gov¬ 
ernment.  But  on  this  passage  let  me  cite  to  you  the  com¬ 
ment  of  Dr.  Scott.  “The  higher  powers,”  says  he,  “at 
Rome  were  not  only  heathen,  but  usurping,  oppressive,  and 
even  persecuting  governors  ;  and  Nero,  who  was  then  empe¬ 
ror,  was  a  monster  of  cruelty,  caprice  and  wickedness,  almost 
unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  mankind;  yet  no  exceptions 
were  made  on  that  account.  Christians  were  required  to  look 
above  such  concerns,  and  to  consider  God  as  the  source  of 
all  authority,  and  civil  society  as  his  appointment  for  the 
benefit  of  mankind.  It  was  therefore  incumbent  on  Chris¬ 
tians  to  render  a  prompt  and  quiet  obedience  to  those  govern¬ 
ors  under  whom  their  lot  was  cast ;  patiently  submitting  to 
the  hardships,  and  thankfully  receiving  the  benefits  thence 
resulting,  without  objecting  to  the  vices  of  the  constitution, 
the  administration,  or  the  rulers,  as  an  excuse  for  refusing 
subjection.” 


14 


Having  thus  asserted  that  civil  government  is  an  ordinance 
of  God,  for  the  welfare  of  mankind,  the  apostle  urges  obedi¬ 
ence  to  it  on  the  ground  of  conscience ,  and  not  simply  through 
fear  of  punishment:  “  Wherefore,  ye  must  needs  be  subject, 
not  only  for  wrath,  but  for  conscience  sake.”  v.  5.  That 
is,  as  a  matter  of  conscience,  or  of  duty  to  God ,  because  civil 
government  is  his  ordinance.*  Hear  again  this  same  apos¬ 
tle,  addressing  Titus,  bishop  of  the  church  in  Crete  :  “  Put 
them  in  mind  to  be  subject  to  principalities  and  powers,  to 
obey  magistrates,  to  be  ready  to  every  good  work.”  This 
is  an  essential  part  of  a  bishop’s  or  minister’s  office  ; — to  in¬ 
culcate  obedience  to  every  class  of  civil  rulers.  Titus  3  :  1. 

3.  The  apostle  Peter  places  subjection  to  civil  authority 
on  precisely  the  same  ground.  Writing  to  Christians  scat¬ 
tered  over  different  provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire,  he  says, 
I.  Pet.  2 :  13  :  11  Submit  yourselves  to  every  ordinance  of  man 
for  the  Lord's  sake:  whether  it  be  to  the  king  as  supreme ; 
or  unto  governors,  as  unto  them  that  are  sent  by  him  for  the 
punishment  of  evil  doers,  and  for  the  praise  of  them  that  do 
well.”  In  thus  submitting  u  to  every  ordinance  of  man,” 
they  were  to  have  regard  to  the  influence  of  their  example : 
“  For  so  is  the  will  of  God,  that  with  well  doing  ye  may 
put  to  silence  the  ignorance  of  foolish  men.”  v.  15.  Let 
your  conduct  as  citizens  of  the  State — peaceful,  and  obedient 
to  the  laws — adorn  the  religion  which  you  profess. 

Now,  viewing  the  above  passages  as  they  stand  by  them¬ 
selves,  they  seem  to  leave  no  room  for  disobedience  or  resist¬ 
ance  to  any  human  law.  They  make  no  exception  in  any  case, 
but  with  absolute  authority,  as  the  will  and  command  of  God, 
they  enjoin — u  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher  pow¬ 
ers."  u  Submit  to  every  ordinance  of  7nan,  for  the  Lord's 
sake."  While  these  passages  thus  in  unqualified  terms 
urge  obedience  to  civil  government  as  an  ordinance  of  God, 

c 

5r  v- 

#  See  Barnes’s  comment  on  Rom.  13  :  1 — 7. 


' 


15 


and  the  Saviour  in  his  life  exemplified  the  same,  it  further 
demands  consideration,  that  the  Scriptures  contain  no  hint 
or  caution  that  possibly  we  may  carry  that  obedience  too  far. 

On  the  contrary,  the  frequent  repetition  of  commands  on 
this  subject  imply  that  we  are  in  special  danger  of  sinning 
against  God,  by  disobedience  to  civil  authority,  and  even  by 
disrespect.  “  Curse  not  the  king  ;  no,  not  in  thy  thought .” 
“Thou  shalt  not  revile  nor  curse  the  ruler  of  thy  people.” 
u  The  man  that  will  not  hearken  unto  the  judge  shall  die.” 
See  Eccl.  10  :  20.  Ex.  22  :  28.  Deut.  17  :  12.  In  the 
day’s  of  Israel’s  degeneracy,  “  they  would  not  hearken  to 
their  judges.”  Judges  2  :  17.  So  conscientious  was  the 
apostle  Paul  on  this  subject,  that  he  made  a  public  apology 
for  speaking  in  a  reproachful  manner,  even  inadvertently ,  of 
one  invested  with  civil  authority.  Acts  23 :  5.  And  let  it 
ever  be  borne  in  mind,  that  in  the  long,  dark  catalogue  of 
human  offences,  the  sin  of  obeying  magistrates  is  never 
mentioned,  while  that  of  despising  and  resisting  is  ranked 
among  the  worst  of  crimes!  See  II.  Pet.  2:  10.  Jude,  v.  8. 

The  question  then  arises,  are  there  no  limits  and  no  ex¬ 
ceptions  to  the  duty  of  subjection  to  civil  authority  ?  I  an¬ 
swer,  there  are  ;  and  they  are  contained,  not  in  commands  of 
God,  but  in  the  approved  examples  of  good  men,  in  at  least 
three  instances. 

The  first  is  the  noble  example  of  the  three  Jewish  breth¬ 
ren  in  Babylon,  who  refused  to  bow  down  and  worship  the 
golden  image  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  set  up  ;  and  who, 
when  threatened  for  refusal,  that  they  should  be  cast  into 
the  midst  of  a  burning  fiery  furnace,  replied  to  the  king  : — 

“  O  Nebuchadnezzar,  we  are  not  careful  to  answer  thee  in 
this  matter.  If  it  be  so,  our  God  whom  we  serve  is  able  to  * 
deliver  us  from  the  burning  fiery  furnace,  and  he  will  deliver 
us  out  of  thine  hand,  O  King.  But  if  not,  be  it  known 
unto  thee,  O  king,  that  we  will  not  serve  thy  gods,  nor  wor¬ 
ship  the  golden  image  which  thou  hast  set'  up.”  Dan.  3: 


8- — 18.  Similar  was  the  example  of  Daniel,  when  prohibit¬ 
ed  by  royal  edict  from  offering  prayer  to  Israel’s  God  for  the 
space  of  thirty  days,  on  penalty  of  being  cast  into  the  den 
of  lions.  “  When  Daniel  knew  that  the  writing  was  sign¬ 
ed,  he  went  into  his  house  ;  and  his  windows  being  opened 
in  his  chamber  toward  Jerusalem,  he  kneeled  upon  his  knees 
three  times  a  day,  and  prayed,  and  gave  thanks  before  his 
God,  as  he  did  aforetime.”  Dan.  6  :  4 — 10.  And  he  did 
right,  for  the  law  was  a  direct  and  designed  infringement  of 
his  personal  duties  to  God.  We  have,  further,  the  example 
of  the  two  apostles,  Peter  and  John,  who,  after  they  had  re¬ 
ceived  commission  and  authority  from  their  Saviour,  were 
commanded  by  the  Jewish  Sanhedrim  “  not  to  speak  at  all, 
nor  to  teach  in  the  name  of  Jesus.  But  Peter  and  John  an¬ 
swered,  Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight  of  God  to  hearken 
unto  you  more  than  unto  God,  judge  ye  ;  for  we  cannot  but 
speak  the  things  which  we  have  seen  and  heard.”  Acts  4  : 
18 — 20.  Here,  you  observe,  are  direct  and  palpable  viola¬ 
tions,  by  human  edicts,  of  the  rights  of  conscience  in  regard 
to  the  worship  of  God  and  the  preaching  of  the  gospel.  To 
have  yielded  to  them,  would  have  been  sin  against  God  ; 
and  were  any  similar'  cases  ever  to  occur  any  where  in  the 
wide  extent  of  our  country,  duty  to  God  would  demand  in¬ 
stant  refusal  to  obey.  Happily  we  are  in  no  danger,  for  this 
freedom  of  conscience  in  respect  of  the  worship  of  God  is 
expressly  secured  to  us,  both  in  the  Constitution  of  our  own 
State  and  that  of  the  United  States.  The  language  of  the 
latter  is,  “  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estab¬ 
lishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof.” 

Thus  far,  therefore,  the  Scriptures  are  a  plain  guide.  They 
do,  by  examples,  warrant  disobedience  to  civil  authority, 
when  the  laws  thereof  come  in  direct  conflict  with  the  com¬ 
mands  of  God,  in  respect  of  the  worship  due  to  him.  Ob¬ 
serve,  however,  they  are  examples,  not  of  personal  resist¬ 
ance  or  violence ,  but  of  passive  suffering  ; — preferring  to  en~ 


17 


dure  the  penalty  of  the  laws,  rather  than  disobey  an  express 
command  of  God.' 

On  the  same  principles,  it  may  be  admitted  that  govern¬ 
ment  has  no  right  to  require  its  subjects  to  commit  murder, 
robbery,  or  violate  any  other  explicit  command  of  God. 
But  who  would  dare  intimate  that  we  are  in  danger  of 
being  coerced  into  such  sins,  under  a  constitutional  govern¬ 
ment,  one  object  of  which  is  to  prevent  and  punish  them? 
It  is  safe  further  to  admit,  that  when  human  laws  become 
intolerably  oppressive  upon  the  whole  or  a  major  part  of  the 
people,  resistance,  even  to  revolution ,  is  justifiable  ; — as  our 
fathers  resisted  oppressive  laws,  and  gained  their  independ¬ 
ence.  But  let  no  one  quote  the  above*  scriptural  examples, 
to  justify  opposition  to  the  government  in  the  exercise  of  its 
constitutional  authority,  and  in  reference  to  the  civil  and 
municipal  affairs  of  the  State.* 

*Mr.  Barnes  sums  up  his  views  on  Bom.  13  :  1-7,  with  the  following 
just  and  judicious  remarks : 

“  On  the  subject  discussed  in  these  seven  verses,  the  following  principles 
seem  to  be  settled  by  the  authority  of  the  Bible,  and  are  now  understood : 
1.  That  government  is  essential,  and  its  necessity  is  recognized  by  God, 
and  it  is  arranged  in  his  providence.  God  has  never  been  the  patron  of 
anarchy  and  disorder.  2.  Civil  rulers  are  dependent  on  God.  He  has 
the  entire  control  of  them,  and  can  set  them  up  or  put  them  down  when 
he  pleases.  3.  The  authority  of  God  is  superior  to  that  of  civil  rulers. 
They  have  no  right  to  make  enactments  which  interfere  with  Ms  authority. 
4.  It  is  not  the  business  of  civil  rulers  to  regulate  or  control  religion. 
That  is  a  distinct  department,  with  which  they  have  no  concern,  except  to 
protect  it.  5.  The  rights  of  all  men  are  to  be  preserved.  Men  are  to  be 
allowed  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  conscience, 
and  to  be  protected  in  those  rights,  provided  they  do  not  violate  the  peace 
and  order  of  the  community.  6.  Civil  rulers  have  no  right  to  persecute 
Christians,  or  to  attempt  to  secure  conformity  to  their  views  by  force. 
The  conscience  cannot  be  compelled,  and  in  the  affairs  of  religion  man 
must  be  left  free.” 

Mr.  Barnes  further  says :  “  It  is  matter  of  devout  thanksgiving  that  the 

subject  is  now  settled,  and  the  principle  is  now  understood.  In  our  own 
land  there  exists  the  happy  and  bright  illustration  of  the  true,  principle  on 

3 


}. 


18 


I  say,  therefore,  notwithstanding  these  admitted  exceptions 
to  the  general  law  of  obedience  to  civil  authority,  yet  we, 
above  all  people,  have  reason  to  conform  to  our  own  Consti¬ 
tution  and  Laws.  For  surely  if  Christians  in  the  primitive 
age  were  required  to  obey  the  existing  civil  authorities — - 
governments  administered  by  such  men  as  Caligula,  Nero 
and  Domitian  ;  tyrants  who  ruled  with  arbitrary  sway — what 
language  can  adequately  express  the  duty  of  subjection  to 
our  own  government? — a  government  established  by  our 
fathers  in  good  faith  and  solemn  compact  ; — adopted  as  our 
own,  and  administered  by  rulers  of  our  own  deliberate  choice! 
To  oppose,  t,o  refuse  to  submit  to  our  own  Constitution  and 
Laws,  is  virtually  to  raise  the  standard  of  rebellion  against 
ourselves  ;  to  repudiate  our  own  acts  ;  to  annul  our  own 
covenants  ;  to  draw  down  on  our  own  heads  all  the  pains 
and  penalties  we  have  authorized  against  the  disobedient  and 
rebellious.  It  is  to  raze  the  foundations  of  the  temple  of 
freedom,  and  tear  down  the  glorious  superstructure  which  our 
fathers  reared  and  cemented  with  their  blood. 

Listen  to  the  simple  but  sublime  declaration  prefixed  to 
the  articles  of  our  glorious  Constitution  : — “  We,  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for 
the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do 

this  great  subject.  The  rights  of  conscience  are  regarded,  and  the  laws 
peacefully  obeyed.  The  civil  ruler  understands  his  province,  and  Chris¬ 
tians  yield  a  cheerful  and  cordial  obedience  to  the  laws.  The  Church  and 
State  move  on  in  their  own  spheres,  united  only  in  the  purpose  to  make 
men  happy  and  good ;  and  divided  only  as  they  relate  to  different  depart¬ 
ments,  and  contemplate,  the  one,  the  rights  of  civil  society ;  the  other,  the 
interests  of  eternity.  *  *  Thanks  should  be  rendered  without  ceasing 

to  the  God  of  our  fathers,  for  the  wondrous  train  of  events  by  which  this 
contest  has  been  conducted  to  its  issue  ;  and  for  the  clear  and  full  under¬ 
standing  which  we  now  have  of  the  different  departments  pertaining  to 
church  and  state.” 


<r> 


L? 


t  V 


19 


ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of 
America.”  Every  word  is  worthy  of  being  written  in  letters 
of  gold  and  spread  out  on  the  canopy  of  the  skies,  to  be 
read  and  rejoiced  in  by  a  nation  of  free,  grateful  and  obedient 
subjects.  It  is  your  own  declaration;  it  is  mine;  it  was 
our  fathers’,  11  by  explicit  and  solemn  compact.”  God  grant 
that,  it  may  be  our  children’s  and  children’s  children  to  the 
latest  generation  ! 

I  beg  leave  to  add  that  we,  citizens  of  New-Hampshire, 
should  be  the  last  in  the  nation  to  violate  this  Constitution 
of  our  country;  for  this  was  the  State  which  completed  the 
number  necessary  to  carry  the  glorious  instrument  into  effect, 
and  to  set  the  wheels  of  the  new  government  in  motion.* 
Here — in  this  town- — in  yonder  ancient  edifice,  it  was  adopt¬ 
ed  in  a  Convention  of  the  people,  21  June,  1788.  When 
they  had  gone  over  the  Constitution,  and  debated  it  article 
by  article,  and  adopted  the  whole,  then,  in  the  name  of  the 
State  of  New-Hampshire,  they  say  :  “  The  Convention  hav¬ 
ing  impartially  discussed  and  freely  considered  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States  of  America,  reported  to  Congress 
by  the  Convention  of  Delegates  from  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  submitted  to  us  by  a  resolution  of  the  General 
Court  of  said  State,  passed  the  14th  December,  last  past ; 
and  acknowledging  with  grateful  hearts  the  goodness  of  the 
Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  in  affording  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  course  of  his  providence,  an  op¬ 
portunity,  deliberately  and  peaceably,  without  fraud  or  sur¬ 
prise,  of  entering  into  an  explicit  and  solemn  compact 
with  each  other,  by  assenting  to  and  ratifying  a  new  Consti¬ 
tution,  in  order  ‘  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  jus¬ 
tice,’  &c.,  do ,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the  people  of 
said  State  of  New-Hampshire ,  assent  to  and  ratify  the  said 

*  The  Convention  was  held  (by  adjournment  from  Exeter,)  in  the  Old 
North  Church.  “  This  was  the  ninth  State  in  the  Union  which  accepted 
the  Constitution,  and  thus  the  number  was  completed  which  was  necessary 
to  put  in  motion  the  political  machine.” — Belknap's  Hist.  N.  H. 


Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America.”*  Thus 
stands  the  “  explicit  and  solemn  compact”  of  our  fathers! 
What  son  of  New-Hampshire  will  accuse  them  of  sinning 
against  Cod  in  making  it,  or  allege  that  we  are  guilty  in 
keeping  it  ? 

At  this  point  the  reflection  forces  itself  on  us,  What  a 
wonderful  instrument  this  Constitution  of  our  Union  is  ! 
What  wisdom  pervades  every  article  !  Going  into  operation, 
at  first,  with  only  nine  States,  it  has  been  found,  after  a  trial 
of  more  than  sixty  years,  to  be  adapted  equally  to  all  the 
enlarged  and  changing  circumstances  of  our  country,  so  that 
now  it  extends  the  broad  shield  of  its  protection  over  thirty- 
one  States  of  the  Union.  Though  nothing  human  can  be 
called  perfect,  yet  this  seems  so  nearly  so  as  to  awaken  our 
profound  admiration  for  the  wisdom  that  dictated  it,  and  our 
thanksgiving  to  God  for  the  innumerable  blessings  which, 
under  his  providence,  it  has  insured  to  our  country ! 

It  is,  however,  now  said,  that  somewhere  among  the  arti¬ 
cles  of  that  Constitution  is  one  that  contravenes  the  rights 
of  conscience  ;  at  least,  asserts  and  enjoins  a  duty  which  we 
cannot  discharge.  The  suspicion  is  not  for  a  moment  to  be 
entertained  ;  it  could  have  no  such  aim  ;  it  cannot  be.  If 
there  is  an  article  that  seems  to  have  such  a  bearing,  we 
must  conclude  that  we  put  a  wrong  construction  on  it,  or 
that  we  have  raised  a  question  of  conscience,  in  opposition 
to  it,  rather  than  that  it  intentionally  infringes  conscience  ; 
for  one  express  object  of  the  Constitution  is  to  guard  the 
rights  of  conscience.  True,  there  is  an  article  in  the  great 
Instrument,  which  was  introduced  as  a  part  of  the  compro¬ 
mise  on  which  the  union  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
was  formed,  and  without  which  we  should  probably  to  this 
day  have  been  a  separated,  broken,  distracted — yea,  a  hostile 
and  warring  people ; — and  without  which,  too,  if  now  blot¬ 
ted  out  or  trampled  down  bv  a  part,  and  against  the  consent 

*  See  Original  Records,  in  Secretary  of  State’-s  office. 


21 


and  remonstrances  of  the  rest,  would  inevitably  lead  to  a 
dismemberment  of  our  Union,  and  a  defeat  of  all  the  glori¬ 
ous  ends  proposed  to  be  secured  by  it.* 

Although,  therefore,  as  an  individual  you  may  not  approve 
that  particular  article,  have  you  any  right,  before  God,  vio¬ 
lently  to  oppose  or  resist  it  ?  Is  “  the  explicit  and  solemn 
compact”  to  be  broken  at  your  will  ?  Let  that  conscience 
which  God  himself  addresses,  when  he  commands  obedience 
to  every  ordinance  of  man,  utter  its  loud  tones  of  admoni¬ 
tion,  that  you  touch  not  with  violent  hand  that  great  Instru¬ 
ment — the  bulwark  of  our  union,  our  defence,  our  liberty, 
our  glory. 

But  yet,  again,  it  is  said,  that  in  carrying  out  the  provis¬ 
ions  of  that  article,  in  a  law  of  the  land,  duties  are  prescrib¬ 
ed  and  penalties  threatened,  at  which  every  generous,  hu¬ 
mane  and  moral  instinct  of  our  nature  recoils.  It  may  be 
so  ;  and  if  so,  deeply  are  the  requirements  of  the  law  to  be 
deplored.  But  were  they  meant  by  the  framers  of  the  law 
- — our  own  chosen  representatives,  in  whom  the  legislative 
power  is  vested — thus  to  wound  any  man’s  feelings  ?  to 
trench  upon  any  one’s  humane  or  moral  sensibilities  ?  or  to 
enjoin  a  duty  with  which  any  individual’s  conscience  had  a 
cause  to  interfere  ?  I  cannot  believe  it — much  as  I  may  and 
do  regret  the  apparent  severity  of  the  law.  The  effect  as¬ 
cribed  to  it  must  grow  out  of  some  misconception  either  of 
the  nature  or  necessity  of  the  law.f  For,  as  I  understand 

*  The  Article  referred  to,  is  Art.  4,  §  2.  “No  person  held  to  service  or 
labor  in  one  State  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in 
consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom 
such  service  is  due.” 

f  It  deserves  consideration,  that  the  language  of  the  Constitution,  on 
which  this  Law  is  founded,  is  such,  that  were  slavery  abolished  this  year, 
in  every  State  of  the  Union,  it  would  stijl  need  to  remain,  unchanged,  in 
reference  to  other  classes  of  persons,  who  are  held  to  service  by  indentures 
for  a  term  of  years.  In  tlie  debate  in  the  N.  H.  Convention  that  adopted 


r 


22 


it,  with  the  exception  of  a  change  in  some  of  its  provisions, 
to  render  it  more  effectual,  it  is  the  same  law  that  has  stood 
on  the  statute  book  of  the  nation  fifty -seven  years  ;  that  was 
signed  by  the  hand  of  the  immortal  Washington  himself; 
that  has  been  pronounced  by  the  highest  judicial  authorities 
of  the  land  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  sacred  purposes  of 
the  Constitution,  and  not  in  a  single  respect  to  contravene  it. 
It  is  now  generally  conceded  that  the  late  law  suspends  no 
habeas  corpus  act ;  sets  not  aside  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  ;* * 
and,  properly  understood,  interferes  not  with  any  of  the  offi¬ 
ces  of  humanity,  except  as  they  may  throw  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  the  execution  of  the  law  by  legal  officers.  Nor  does 
it  require  any  personal  act  to  be  done,  by  any  private  citizen, 
directly  to  execute  it,  except  in  the  last  extreme,  when  worse 
comes  to  worse,  and  the  officers  of  the  law  must  be  sustain¬ 
ed  by  the  mass  of  the  citizens,  or  REBELLION  triumph. 

Here  let  me  enquire  by  what  right  you  charge  upon  any 
law  of  your  country  that  it  is  unjust,  oppressive  and  unright¬ 
eous  ?  that  it  conflicts  with  your  duty  to  God  or  to  man,  and 
therefore  may  and  ought  to  be  disobeyed  ?  Have  you  no 
trust  in  the  rulers  of  your  own  election,  that  they  will  act 
according  to  their  oath,  and  enact  only  such  laws  as  accord 
with  the  benign  ends  of  our  government  ?  Is  there  not  a 
high  judicial  tribunal  to  which  such  questions  are  to  be  re¬ 
ferred  ?  Is  it  safe  or  right  in  a  private  citizen  to  assume  so 
vast  a  responsibility  as  to  condemn  the  laws  of  his  country, 
and  at  his  will  disobey  them  ?  May  everyone  set  his  private 
judgment  above  the  legislative,  executive  and  judicial  au¬ 
thority  of  the  land  ?  Reflect  for  a  moment  on  the  necessary 
consequence  of  adopting  such  a  principle.  You  assume  to 

the  Federal  Constitution,  there  is  no  evidence  in  the  records  that  a  single 
objection  was  made  to  the  2d  section  of  the  4th  Article. 


*  It  is  well  known  that  trials  for  freedom,  by  jury,  are  common  in  the 
courts  at  the  South,  and,  when  there  is  any  legal  claim,  it  is  as  likely  to  be 
gained  as  anywhere  else. 


\ 


pronounce  upon  every  law,  and  to  obey  or  disobey,  according 
as  you  judge  it  right  or  wrong,  irrespective  of  the  judgments 
of  your  lawful  rulers  ;  and  you  regard  yourself  at  liberty  to 
nullify  and  violate  every  human  law  which  does  not  accord 
with  your  private  judgment.  You  claim  to  be  governed  by 
some  “  higher  law.”  What  is  that  law?  How  revealed  to 
you  in  distinction  from  others?  Is  it  a  voice  from  God,  so 
plain  as  not  to  be  misunderstood  ?  Rather,  are  you  not  quite 
as  likely  to  err  in  regard  to  it  as  others?  But,  if  you  are 
right  in  this  position,  then  certainly  every  other  individual 
may  assume  the  same  ;  and  when  one  law  regulates  the  use 
or  descent  of  property ;  another,  the  degrees  of  consanguin¬ 
ity  in  marriage ;  another,  the  business  of  trade,  by  license 
or  tariff ;  another,  imposes  penalties  for  crime;  and  another, 
establishes  police  regulations  for  the  common  good ; — then, 
if  such  law  conflicts  with  your  or  my  private  judgment  or 
conscience  in  regard  to  that  matter,  you  and  I  are  therefore 
exempt  from  obligation  to  obey  that  law.  And  following 
still  the  “  higher  law,”  possibly  of  my  own  selfishness,  or 
pride,  or  obstinacy,  I  trample  under  my  feet  the  law  of  civil 
society,  which  as  a  citizen  1  am  already  sworn  to  support. 
Then  it  cometh  to  pass,  that  each  man  is  a  law  unto  him¬ 
self,  and,  like  Israel  in  the  days  of  deepest  degeneracy  and 
corruption,  without  priest  or  judge,  “  every  one  does  that 
which  is  right  in  his  own  eyes.”  Where  now,  I  ask,  is  the 
authority  of  God,  which  has  ordained  civil  society  and  gov¬ 
ernment,  of  which  you  and  I  are  subjects?  Where  is  the 
obligation  which  he  himself  has  imposed  on  us  in  this  rela¬ 
tion  ?  What  becomes  of  any  subjection  for  conscience’s 
sake?  Where  is  the  Christian  example  of  submitting  to 
every  ordinance  of  man  “for  the  Lord’s  sake?” 

It  has  indeed  been  plausibly  suggested  that  to  inculcate 
obedience  to  the  “  higher  law,”  i.  e.,  to  what  our  conscience 
deems  right,  in  all  cases,  would  supersede  human  enactments, 
and  would  itself  ensure  all  the  good  ends  of  government. 


24 


But  who,  in  such  a  world  as  this,  would  dare  try  it  ?  On 
what  nation  or  what  selected  number  of  individuals  could 
the  experiment  safely  be  made  ?  If  two  of  them  differed 
on  any  point,  and  that  difference  lead  to  conflict,  who  should 
decide  between  them  ?  After  all,  you  say,  I  must  follow  my 
conscience.  I  do  not  object  to  your  decision,  but  you  must 
not  expect  a  martyr’s  crown  unless  you  are  sure,  infallibly 
sure,  you  are  right,  and  the  event  shall  so  confirm  it.* 

*  Among  those  who  on  conscientious  grounds  are  opposed  to  the  recent 
Law  of  Congress  respecting  the  return  of  fugitives  from  service,  I  recog¬ 
nize  men — some  of  my  own  brethren  in  the  church  and  ministry — for 
whom  I  entertain  a  high  esteem  and  sincere  affection.  With  them  I  agree 
in  deeply  regretting  the  original  necessity  of  such  an  article  in  our  Consti¬ 
tution,  and  such  a  law  to  carry  it  out.  But  I  cannot  agree  with  them  that 
» duty  to  God  binds  me  to  oppose,  revile,  denounce  or  resist  the  law.  Rather, 
duty  to  God ,  as  a  subject  of  civil  government,  obliges  me  to  submit.  I  know 
it  is  said  that  the  law  is  contrary  to  the  express  command  of  God,  in  Deut. 
23  :  15,  16.  “  Thou  shalt  not  deliver  unto  his  master  the  servant  which  is 

escaped  from  his  master  unto  thee  :  He  shall  dwell  with  thee,  even  among 
you,  in  that  place  which  he  shall  choose,  in  one  of  thy  gates  where  it  liketh 
him  best :  thou  shalt  not  oppress  him.”  My  reasons  for  not  considering 
myself  obliged  by  this  law  to  disobey  the  law  of  my  own  country  in  regard 
to  the  class  of  persons  spoken  of,  are,  1.  That  the  law  in  Deut.,  in  my 
judgment,  had  respect  to  foreign  servants,  fugitives  from  heathen  tribes,  to 
whom  the  Israelites  were  under  no  obligations ;  and  the  retaining  of  ser¬ 
vants  from  such  could  not  therefore  be  reasonably  complained  of,  much  less 
their  return  lawfully  demanded.  2.  That  the  law,  though  humane  and  ex¬ 
cellent  in  itself,  was  not  designed  to  be  necessarily  of  universal  obligation, 
any  more  than  some  others  of  the  Mosaic  institutes,  which  are  generally 
admitted  not  to  be  binding  on  us.  For  example,  the  law  in  verses  19  and 
20  of  the  same  chapter,  respecting  usury,  with  many  others,  in  Chapters 
XIX,  XX,  XXI,  XXIII,  XXI Y  and  XX Y.  See,  also,  Dr.  Scott’s  com¬ 
ment  on  Deut.  23  :  15,  16. 

I  am  also  aware  that  it  is  said  our  law  is  repugnant  to  the  command, 
“  Love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself.”  “  Do  unto  others  as  ye  would  they  should 
do  to  you.”  The  proper  answer  I  conceive  to  be,  that  the  manner  in  which 
love  to  our  neighbor  is  manifested,  must  always  be  modified  by  our  rela¬ 
tions  to  society.  The  judge  that  condemns  a  criminal  to  die,  and  the  sheriff 
that  executes  the  sentence,  must  entertain  no  personal  ill-will,  but  their 
love  to  the  individual  criminal  must  not  lead  them  to  disregard  their  higher 
.  obligations  to  the  State.  So  my  love  to  a  fugitive  from  service  must  be 

t 


2  o 


Still  it  is  said  by  one  and  another,  ‘  That  law  I  can  never 
approve  : — that  law  I  can  never  voluntarily  aid  to  executed 
Doubtless,  as  a  private  citizen,  you  have  a  right  to  say  thus 
much.  Yea,  more:  if  on  mature  reflection,  investigation  and 
prayer,  your  judgment  is  adverse  to  the  law,  you  have  an 
unquestionable  right,  secured  by  the  Constitution  itself,  to 
seek  to  change  or  repeal  it.  You  have  liberty  of  speech, 
to  express  in  becoming  terms  your  convictions  ;  liberty  to 
petition  the  proper  authorities  for  a  repeal  ;  liberty  to  vote 
for  men  who  accord  with  your  views,  and  who,  as  far  as  in 
them  lies,  will  carry  them  out.  You  have  still  greater  lib¬ 
erty — viz.  :  to  seek  in  a  constitutional  way  to  have  the  Con¬ 
stitution  itself  amended.  But,  if  after  all  your  efforts,  a 
majority  of  your  fellow-citizens  throughout  the  wide  Union 
have  no  scruples  of  conscience  in  sympathy  with  you  ;  if 
they,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  think  the  law 
not  only  necessary,  but  equitable  and  just,  though  repulsive 
to  their  humane  feelings  ;  and  if  they,  as  under  oath  to  God, 
are  resolved  to  abide  by  “  the  explicit  and  solemn  compact ,J 
into  which  they  have  entered  to  sustain  the  Constitution  as 
it  is  ;  then  I  say  your  duty  as  a  citizen  is  also  plain.  Con¬ 
science  towards  God  demands  that  you  peaceably  submit  to 
the  execution  of  the  law  by  the  proper  authorities.  If  you 
do  this  at  a  sacrifice,  you  must  patiently  endure  it.  But 
you  may  not  lift  up  the  hand  of  rebellion  ;  you  may  not 
strike  a  blow  at  the  Constitution — which  is  at  once  the  char¬ 
ter  of  all  our  civil  blessings  ;  the  guarantee  of  our  liberties; 
the  anchor  of  our  national  hopes.  1  entreat,  I  warn  you,  by 
all  that  is  sacred  in  the  name  of  conscience  and  religion, 
commit  not  such  a  more  than  parricidal  deed  against  your 

regulated  by  a  consideration  of  the  effect  which  my  conduct  towards  him 
is  to  have  upon  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  whole  country.  If  doing  him 
good  in  a  particular  way  ;  i.  e.,  aiding  his  escape,  contrary  to  the  law  of  the 
land,  should  lead,  as  a  probable  or  necessary  result,  to  civil  war  ;  then 
surely  I  should  forbear  to  show  my  love  in  that  way.  I  respectfully  sub¬ 
mit  these  views  to  the  sober  reflection  of  all  conscientious  and  candid  men. 

4  •  "'**.’* 


26 


country.  “Submit  to  this  ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lord’s 
sake” — until  by  lawful  means  you  can  secure  its  repeal  or 
amendment. 

IV.  I  am  now  prepared  to  say,  briefly,  in  the  last  place, 
We  ought  to  seek ,  by  all  lawf  ul  and  moral  means ,  to  remove 
existing  evils  from  the  good  land  in  which  we  live,  and  to 
perpetuate  our  national  union  and  prosperity.  We  justly 
deplore  the  existence  of  Slavery,  as  the  chief  source  of  our 
country’s  dishonor,  disquiet  and  danger.  In  honest  and 
truthful,  but  not  denunciatory  tones,  should  we  utter  our 
convictions  against  it,  as  a  grievous  moral  wrong,  and  a  blot 
on  the  fair  escutcheon  of  our  liberty.  We  may  labor,  by 
argument  and  persuasion,  to  induce  our  brethren  in  the  States 
where  it  exists,  to  abolish  the  system  by  law — as  they  only 
have  the  right  and  power  to  do.  Through  our  representa¬ 
tives  in  the  National  Legislature,  we  may  seek  to  guard 
against  the  extension  of  the  evil,  and  hem  it  in  with  a  wall 
of  freedom  which  it  can  never  pass.  We  may  pray  the  God 
of  heaven,  in  his  wise  and  far-reaching  providence,  to  inter¬ 
pose  and  set  the  oppressed  free,  in  such  way  and  time  as  his 
infinite  wisdom  alone  can  see  best  ;  but  we  may  not  and 
must  not,  as  citizens  of  a  common  country,  bound  to  each 
other  by  “explicit  and  solemn  compact,”  threaten,  on  this 
account,  to  break  the  bands  of  our  union,  nor  exasperate  our 
brethren,  either  by  words  or  overt  acts,  to  seek  that  terrible 
issue  of  sectional  agitation  and  dissension. 

Have  I  then,  it  is  asked,  become  the  apologist  of  Slavery  ? 
Do  I  seek  to  lessen  in  the  public  mind  the  enormities  of  the 
evil  ?  And  is  it  not  a  glaring  inconsistency  to  profess  to  be 
the  enemy  of  slavery,  and  to  pray  for  its  removal,  and  yet 
defend  the  Constitution  and  laws  which  uphold  it  ?  No,  no.# 

*  The  author  professes  to  be,  sincerely  and  on  principle,  opposed  to  Slav¬ 
ery,  wherever  it  exists.  But  he  has  yet  to  learn  that  it  is  his  duty  on  that  ac¬ 
count,  to  cease  to  preach,  on  apostolic  authority,  obedience  to  civil  govern¬ 
ment;  or  to  offer  prayer  foir  rulers,  or  for  the  oppressed  and  enslaved.  The 


27 


But  situated  as  we  are  ;  citizens  of  a  common  country,  un¬ 
der  a  Constitution  which  we  have  covenanted  with  one  an¬ 
other  to  abide  by  ;  our  duty  as  well  as  true  happiness  lies 
in  maintaining  its  provisions,  until  such  time  as  they  can  be 
lawfully  changed.  I  stand  on  the  word  of  God  and  on  the 
Constitution  of  my  country,  and  on  that  two-fold  platform 
use  all  lawful  and  moral  means  in  my  power  to  remove  the 
only — certainly  the  chief — evil  that  afflicts  us.  But  if  I  go 
against  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  land,  to  remove  or 
overthrow  this  evil,  then  one  or  the  other  of  these  alterna¬ 
tives,  it  seems  to  me,  must  follow :  Either  we  must  become 
involved  in  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  in  which,  if  slavery 
is  terminated,  it  must  be  in  the  commingled  blood  of  both 
the  enslaved  and  free  ;  or  else  a  southern  and  hostile  Con¬ 
federacy  will  be  formed,  in  which  slavery  itself,  as  an  insti¬ 
tution,  must  be  made  perpetual  !  From  either  of  which  al¬ 
ternatives  we  may  well  pray,  “  Good  Lord ,  deliver  us .” 

But  there  are  other,  almost  innumerable  social  evils,  which 
love  to  our  country  should  prompt  us  to  remove.  There  is 
Intemperance,  with  its  retinue  of  vices,  crimes  and  woes. 
There  is  profaneness,  and  Sabbath-breaking,  and  licentious¬ 
ness.  There  is  a  sickly  and  sentimental  philanthropy, 
which,  virtually  setting  aside  the  authority  of  both  human 
and  divine  laws,  seeks  to  advance  the  welfare  of  mankind 
by  modes  of  its  own  devising ;  and,  under  the  plausible 
names  of  “  brotherhoods ”  and  “fraternities” ,  acts  on  prin¬ 
ciples  adverse  to  all  penal  enactments,  and  ‘‘despises  govern¬ 
ments.”  Then  there  is  springing  up  in  our  cities,  and  thence 
spreading  out  into  villages  and  country,  a  bold  and  blasphe¬ 
mous  infidelity,  which  denies  the  inspiration  and  supreme 
authority  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  matters  of  faith  and 
practice,  and  substitutes  therefor  its  own  violent  impulses  or 

less  we  can  personally  do  for  their  liberation,  the  mpre  earnestly  should 
we  supplicate  God’s  grace,  to  dispose  those  who  hold  them  in  bondage,  “  to 
break  every  yoke,  and  to  let  the  oppressed  go  free.”  . 

> 


/  » 


28 


infatuated  reasonings — dignifying  these  with  the  appellation 
of  “  the  higher  law To  meet  and  overcome  these  and 
other  evils  of  our  goodly  and  pleasant  land,  we  have  a  great 
duty  to  perform  as  citizens,  patriots  and  Christians.  Let  the 
minds  of  the  people  be  called  back  to  the  foundation-prin¬ 
ciples  of  Liberty  and  Law,  Education  and  Religion,  on 
which  the  superstructure  of  our  country’s  glory  has  been 
reared.  Let  the  means  of  instruction  be  coextensive  with 
our  expanded  population.  Let  a  pure  Christianity  be  main¬ 
tained  by  our  firesides,  and  be  sent  abroad  as  the  only  con¬ 
servative  and  restorative  influence  that  can  secure  and  per¬ 
petuate  our  blood-bought,  privileges.  Let  the  hearts  of  all 
men,  without  distinction  of  party  or  denomination,  of  State 
or  territory  ;  all  who  desire  the  lasting  happiness  and  honor 
of  their  country  ;  pledge  themselves  anew  upon  their  coun¬ 
try’s  Constitution  ;  and  let  them  invoke  by  fervent  praj^er 
the  blessings  of  our  fathers’  God  to  abide  with  us. 

I  would  appeal,  on  this  behalf,  to  all  the  ministers  of  reli¬ 
gion,  never  to  assume  the  strange,  anti-apostolic  and  anti- 
christian  position  of  teaching,  or  any  way  countenancing 
insubordination  to  the  “  powers  ordained  of  God,”  anymore 
than  they  cease  to  “  plead  for  the  oppressed.”  and  to  “  open 
their  mouth  for  the  dumb.”f  To  the  youth  of  our  land  I 
would  say,  in  the  language  of  Jefferson,  “  Be  just,  be  true  ; 

*  In  a  Sermon  on  Conscience ,  recently  published  by  Theodore  Parker, 
of  Boston,  who  openly  denies  the  inspiration  and  authority  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  he  justifies  a  juror  in  violating  his  oath  to  clear  a  man  ac¬ 
knowledged  to  be  guilty  of  violating  a  law  of  his  country.  “  If  I  value 
my  manhood,  I  shall  answer,  after  my  natural  duty  to  love  a  man  and  not 
hate  him,  and  shall  say,  'not  guilty,’  and  I  think  human  nature  will  justify 
the  verdict.”  Again  in  the  same  Discourse  he  says  :  “  The  man  who  at¬ 

tacks  me  to  reduce  me  to  slavery,  in  that  moment  of  attack  alienates  his 
right  to  life  ;  and  if  I  were  the  fugitive,  and  could  escape  in  no  other  way, 
I  would  kill  him  with  as  little  compunction  as  I  would  drive  a  musquito 
from  my  face.”  v, 

•j-  S?nce  the  delivery  of  this  Discourse,  a  printed  “  Sermon  for  the  Times,” 
by  Rev.  A.  Woodbury,  of  Concord,  has  been  put  into  my  hands.  *  I  have 


fear  God,  honor  your  parents,  and  love  your  country  more 
than  life.”  1  entreat  the  aged  fathers  and  mothers,  whose 
recollections  go  back  to  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  to 
rehearse  the  scenes  of  their  childhood  and  the  traditions  of 
their  fathers  in  the  ears  of  the  rising  generation,  and  thus 
extend  and  perpetuate  the  hallowed  memories  of  those  who 
lived,  and  suffered,  and  died  for  their  country.  1  would 
that  such  examples  be  multiplied,  as  one  that  has  recently 
occurred*  in  a  neighboring  State.  An  aged  matron,  the  wi¬ 
dow  of  a  revolutionary  pensioner,  on  her  last  birth-day  call¬ 
ed  her  children  and  grand-children  together,  and  after  their 
festive  greetings  were  over,  and  the  day  drew  towards  a 
close,  she  led  her  eleven  children  into  a  parlor  chamber,  in 
the  centre  of  which  stood  a  table,  bearing  a  new  silver  cup, 
surmounted  by  a  circle  of  eleven  silver  cups  of  like  fashion. 
The  venerable  mother  then  stepped  forward  and  took  one 
cup  from  the  eleven,  and  presented  it  to  her  eldest  daughter, 
— a  woman  of  sixty-three  years  of  age.  It  bore  the  inscrip¬ 
tion — u  Presented  to - -  by  her  mother,  as  a  part  of  pension 

received  for  services  rendered  in  the  United  States  army  by 
her  father,  in  1776.”  The  daughter  received  the  cup  with 
her  mother’s  blessing,  and  retired  to  her  place.  Then  the 

read  the  Sermon  with  attention  and  candor.  To  the  doctrine  of  the  Ser¬ 
mon,  that  “  we  ought  to  obey  God  rather  than  men,”  when  the  authority 
of  the  one  clearly  conflicts  with  that  of  the  other,  I  have  no  objection ;  it 
is  a  Scriptural  doctrine,  which  I  have  ever  preached.  But  I  respectfully 
submit  to  a  discerning  public,  and  to  the  author  himself,  whether  it  is  not 
a  fundamental  objection  to  this  “  Sermon  for  the  Times,”  that  it  does  not 
recognize  civil  government  as  an  institution  of  God ,  which  He  commands  men 
to  obey ;  that  it  practically  allows  every  man  to  be  his  own  judge  as  to 
what  does  and  what  does  not  accord  with  conscience ;  and  thus  encourages 
insubordination  to  civil  laws ;  and,  above  all,  that  a  necessary  inference 
from  the  Sermon  is,  that  the  whole  American  people  are  in  danger  of  rush¬ 
ing  into  open  Atheism ,  through  an  adherence  to  the  Constitution  and  Laws 
of  their  country !  ^  ^ 

*  Mrs.  Pliebe  Wood,  of  Woodville,  Ilopkinton,  Ms.  See  PuritsQf  Re¬ 
corder,  Nov.  21,  1850. 


30 


next  born  came  up  and  received  his  cup  and  mother’s  bless¬ 
ing  ;  and  so  all,  in  the  order  of  their  age,  until  the  youngest 
was  blessed,  and  held  in  his  hand  the  cup  bearing  his  own 
name,  and  that  of  father  and  mother  surmounting  the  eagle 
of  his  country.  Then  together,  each  holding  in  hand  the 
cup  of  blessing,  they  sung — 

“  Blest  be  the  tie  that  binds.” 

Then  they  read  the  word  of  God,  bowed  in  prayer  and 
thanksgiving  to  the  God  of  all  their  mercies,  and  their  fa¬ 
ther’s  God,  and  parted  after  singing  the  Christian  Doxology. 

This  is  true  patriotism  and  religion.  Let  them  ever  be 
united  in  our  hearts.  Let  us  now  and  ever  bless  the  Lord 
our  God  for  the  good  land  which  he  hath  given  us.  Let  us 
pray  for  her  peace,  prosperity  and  perpetuity.  In  every 
hour  of  trial  and  danger  to  our  Union,  let  us  adopt  the  sen¬ 
timent  of  the  faithful  and  trustful  in  Israel,  and  say  of  our 
country,  as  they  of  theirs — 

u  If  I  forget  thee ,  O  Jerusalem,  let  my  right  hand  forget 
her  cunning ;  if  I  do  not  remember  thee ,  let  my  tongue 
cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth  ;  if  I  prefer  not — my  coun¬ 
try-above  my  chief  [earthly]  joy .” 


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